Chechen refugee camps and education

It is noteworthy, that according to the genealogical table drawn up by Leonti Mroveli, the legendary forefather of the Vainakhs was "Kavkas", hence the name Kavkasians, one of the ethnicons met in the ancient Georgian written sources, signifying the ancestors of the Chechens and Ingush. As appears from the above, the Vainakhs, at least by name, are presented as the most "Caucasian" people of all the Caucasians Caucasus — Kavkas — Kavkasians in the Georgian historical tradition.

Chechen refugee camps and education

Schooling in refugee camps by Kim LeBlanc and Tony Waters, California State University March Refugee relief is typically thought about in the acute stages of a crisis, when water, sanitation, housing, security and disease threaten lives. Because assistance in such circumstances focuses on keeping people alive, relief is often described as an apolitical humanitarian project.

Nowhere is this more evident in relief programmes than in the provision of schools. Yet education programmes for refugee children have longer-term political significance, as well as immediate humanitarian consequences.

This communion takes place in large part because vast numbers of people are exposed to common schooling. One consequence of this is that, in refugee camps around the world, education programmes are often confronted with questions largely resolved in peaceful settings. What language should be used?

Who is qualified to teach? What is a respectful relationship between teacher and student? Are rote learning or group-centred activities best? These are big questions, often Chechen refugee camps and education to the root of seemingly intractable political problems.

Faced with these difficult questions, humanitarian relief agencies often reduce schooling for refugees to a logistic problem. It is perhaps not surprising that, as a result, refugee camps often have confusing mixes of curriculum, which leads to inconsistencies in educational policies.

Such inconsistencies stem from the political compromises that both internal and external actors must make in refugee situations.

Chechen refugee camps and education

Chinese, English and French curricula were also offered at different times and places. Despite explicit policies for repatriation, few refugees in fact ever went home, and hundreds of thousands resettled abroad, or stayed in Thailand illegally.

Mozambican camps in Malawi in the s offered a Malawian curriculum in English to facilitate integration. However, in the s repatriation came to be seen as more important, and the Malawian curriculum was replaced with a Portuguese Mozambican one. Camps for Burundians in Tanzania in the s and s focused on a Tanzanian Swahili curriculum, and many Burundians remain in Tanzania today.

Meanwhile, refugees established their own schools, with teaching in Swahili and English. In camps for Afghan refugees in the s, the international donor community funded conservative Islamist political parties to establish schools which promoted political ideologies, including an insistence that females be excluded from schooling.

Perhaps most notoriously, schools in Palestinian refugee camps in Jordan, Lebanon, the West Bank and Gaza promote a distinctly Palestinian identity. Palestinian children have been taught that they are both dispossessed, and foreigners in the Arab lands to which they fled.

The role of schools in refugee populations In administering schools, humanitarian organisations make decisions which have consequences for how power is distributed.

Teachers are identified and promoted, a language of instruction is chosen and specific norms of deference and respect are enforced. The question that educators in refugee camps should ask is: This is a question that technicians focused on food rations, curative medical care or water systems can ignore, and still do a good job by keeping daily mortality rates under control.

The questions that educators must ask, by contrast, are inherently political. Educational administrators in refugee camps ignore such political questions at their peril. This is because, in their decision-making in seemingly technical areas to do with curriculum, pedagogy and school administration, they plant the seeds of a future.

This future may see repatriation, resettlement, the end of an old identity, or the beginning of a new one. But the identity cultivated may also be the basis for continued armed struggle. Education choices may also reveal something about the priorities of donors.

The goal of the programme was to give political legitimacy to the mujahedin commanders fighting the Soviet-led Afghan armed forces. The textbooks were also intended to promote powerful political messages. These are two quotes from a textbook prepared for the programme: The Mujahedin laid anti-tank mines for Russian tanks.

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Out of that mines exploded. Now find out how many mines are remaining. Out of Communists, 14 were arrested and 72 were killed. This attempt to deliver political statements through the medium of numeracy is an important example of how and why national identity becomes embedded in a curriculum, even a seemingly benign subject like basic mathematics.

By funding these militarised anti-communist textbooks, Western donors made a statement that opposition to communism was more important than humanitarian principles. When Thailand insisted that Indochinese refugees must be repatriated, rather than settle in Thailand, while at the same time insisting on a Thai curriculum, the decision made short-term political sense, even though the long-term consequences meant that many refugees in fact did not repatriate.

Today in Chad, choices are being made by donors and the Chadian government about the future identity of refugees fleeing Darfur.EDUCATION IN CHECHNYA 4 minimize the uprising and destroy the terrorists. (Russell, ) In turn the greatest challenge that the refugee relief workers would face in setting up schools in the Chechen refugee camps would be rebuilding and reestablishing the significance of education despite the fear that at any moment Russian militia may feel .

Chechen Refugee Camps and Education / PSYCH April 14, Dr. Neysa Hatcher Chechen Refugee Camps and Education The creation of schools is one of the leading ways to produce hope and stability in refugee camps.

People living in prehistoric mountain cave settlements used tools, mastered fire, and used animal skins for warmth and other purposes. Traces of human settlement that date back to 40, BC were found near Lake paintings, artifacts, and other archaeological evidence indicates continuous habitation for some 8, years.

Johanna Nichols,The Chechen Refugees, 18 BerkeleyJ. Int'lLaw. ().


resting and recuperating in refugee camps, or that there are no civilians at all in Chechnya but only fighters, carry Although with perestroika the employment of Chechens in education and professional and technical positions in Chechnya increased, the two .

The result is that education packages for refugee camps, like food reserves, are borrowed from a stockpile in the host country or elsewhere, and little attention is paid to broader questions to do with the kind of future children will have.

Dec 27,  · Russia's war against separatist rebels in Chechnya has been going on for more than two years, and thousands of Chechens remain housed in primitive refugee camps, afraid to go home or no longer.

Chechen refugees - Wikipedia